iQuanta has launched a Mini Mock Series covering all the sections of the CLAT exam, these questions have been handpicked by our faculty based on the latest CLAT exam pattern.
Instructions:-
1. Attempt all the questions.
2. Once you have completed all the questions of a particular section click on the submit button for scores and explanations then move to the next sections.
3. For each correct answer, you receive 1 mark. For this mock, there is no negative marking.
English Language
Each set of questions in this section is based on a single passage. Please answer each question on the basis of what is stated or implied in the corresponding passage. In some instances, more than one option may be the answer to the question; in such a case, please choose the option that most accurately and comprehensively answers the question.
After Athens lost the so-called Peloponnesian War (431-404) against Sparta, however, the principle of parrhesía came under fire: many observers attributed the defeat to the popular assembly, under the guidance of ‘evil demagogues’, making bad decisions. Plato opposed the democratic order of his time, in part because of exaggerated freedom of speech. Plato’s teacher Socrates seems to praise the rhetoric Gorgias for his lack of bashfulness, an apparent example of parrhesía; but the philosopher intends it as a damning characterisation of a man lacking any sense of responsibility, a flaw that Plato depicted as characteristic of Athenian democracy. In contrast, Plato’s prominent younger contemporary Demosthenes defined parrhesía as his particular virtue, claiming that he possessed superior knowledge and that he was willing to risk telling the truth.
Despite their different views on the merits of democracy, Demosthenes and Plato shared the conviction that it was not enough for anyone to simply say anything, rather the competence to speak meaningfully should not be simply based on equality but must be connected with personal and intellectual authority. With the emergence of large monarchical states in the Mediterranean world since Alexander the Great (336-323), democracies have lost in importance. Correspondingly, parrhesía developed into the virtue of an elite, and especially of philosophers. They were of course men – few ancient writers deemed women capable of acting (speaking) with parrhesía – who possessed both the intellectual capacity and the personal authority to use parrhesía. They could do this in public, but their main field was personal relationships. Thus, frankness became an interpersonal virtue.
The Epicureans and Plutarch (usually not a friend of the Epicureans) both insisted on the duty of friends to exhibit parrhesía. One had the obligation to not just frankly criticise the moral mistakes that friends committed, but also to accept frank criticism from friends without any anger or vengefulness. Plutarch did, however, differ from Epicureans when it came to the way in which parrhesía should be expressed. Epicurean philosophers deemed it necessary to endure even the most vicious criticism as long as it was cogent; Plutarch stressed that criticism had to be tactful and well-timed. The parrhesiastaí (those doing the criticising) were expected to risk losing their friends.
Parrhesía remained an important political virtue in this epoch. Acting with parrhesía became a positive trait of royal counsellors. Every orator would underline that he spoke with parrhesía, yet this move could in some cases be nothing more than a rhetorical device to flatter the supposed recipient of the candour: claiming to use parrhesía implied that the criticised was virtuous enough to hear and weigh criticism. At the same time, cynics were notorious for their provocative frankness that spared neither friend nor foe and could even be aimed at the emperor. Sometimes punished, the cynics often received high praise for their courage. Perhaps, most of all, their love of truth commanded respect.
General Knowledge
India is among the [1] countries participating in the third UN-led conference on Afghanistan in [2] that kicked off Sunday, looking to find ways to improve the lives of the Afghan people in the Taliban ruled country. The meeting is significant as it is the first time that the Taliban are attending the talks. However, the UN has denied that the latest round of talks in Doha are meant to pave the way for international recognition for the Taliban.
The conference has also come under strong criticism from rights groups for not engaging Afghan women and civil society members. India is being represented in the meeting by MEA joint secretary of the Pakistan, Afghanistan and Iran (PAI) division J P Singh. The official, who visited Kabul in March this year, also met Taliban leaders. India continues to tread carefully on the Taliban, as it works closely with them for Afghanistan’s humanitarian needs and its own security needs but without doing anything that might be seen as a step towards official recognition for the regime in Kabul. The conference is also seeing participation by the EU, OIC and SCO, the Eurasian bloc which will be hosting its summit meeting this week in Astana, where one of the main focus areas again will be the situation in Afghanistan. With PM Narendra Modi skipping participation, although he may still address it virtually on July 4, foreign minister S Jaishankar will represent India at the SCO summit. Both in Doha and Astana, government will look to further hammer its point that as a contiguous neighbour, India has legitimate economic and security interests in Afghanistan, and that the international community must focus on combating terrorism, humanitarian assistance, formation of a truly inclusive government and preserving the rights of women, girls and minorities. The focus on girls and women is important as the Taliban continue to deny them access to schools and colleges, in line with their interpretation of Islamic laws. Securing its investments in Afghanistan is also a priority for India as it working on close to 500 projects in the country spread across all 34 provinces in areas like power, water supply, road connectivity, healthcare, education and agriculture. In all, India has invested more than $ 3 billion in Afghanistan. Ensuring that Afghan territory is not used for sheltering terrorists or financing terrorist acts, however, tops the list of Indian priorities. This is particularly so in the case of terrorists proscribed by the UN Security Council, including those belonging to Pakistan based Lashkar-e-Tayyiba and Jaish-e-Mohammad. India will look to again make the point that any instability in Afghanistan is a threat to the whole region.
Legal Reasoning
Directions: Read the passage and answer the following question.
In the realm of contract law, an “invitation to offer” serves as a precursor to a formal offer, representing an incomplete form of contractual expression. Unlike a concrete offer, which contains specific terms and conditions ready for acceptance, an invitation to offer merely signals an invitation for negotiation. It lays the groundwork for potential agreements by outlining general terms or expressing an intention to enter into negotiations, but crucial material terms remain open for discussion and agreement.
One defining characteristic of an invitation to offer is its non-binding nature. Acceptance of an invitation to offer does not create a legally binding contract. Instead, it initiates a dialogue between parties, allowing them to negotiate and refine the terms of the proposed agreement. This negotiation phase is vital for parties to reach mutual understanding and consensus on the terms and conditions that will govern their contractual relationship.
Moreover, an invitation to offer often lacks the specificity and definitiveness required for a valid offer. While an offer must contain concrete and unambiguous terms that outline the rights and obligations of each party, an invitation to offer typically leaves certain material terms open for negotiation. This flexibility allows parties to tailor the agreement to their specific needs and circumstances, fostering a collaborative and mutually beneficial contractual arrangement.
In practice, the response to an invitation to offer often takes the form of a counter offer. Rather than accepting the invitation outright, the responding party may make their own offer, proposing specific terms and conditions for consideration. This iterative process of offers and counter offers enables parties to refine their positions and negotiate terms that best align with their interests and objectives.
For example, in a real estate transaction, a property listing may serve as an invitation to offer, indicating the seller’s willingness to entertain offers from prospective buyers. When a potential buyer expresses interest in the property, they may submit an offer outlining the purchase price, closing date, and other relevant terms. If the seller finds the offer acceptable, they may choose to accept it, thus forming a binding contract. However, if the terms are not agreeable to the seller, they may counter with a modified offer, initiating further negotiation. In summary, an invitation to offer acts as a preliminary step in the contract formation process, signaling a willingness to engage in negotiations without creating binding obligations. It provides a framework for parties to explore potential agreements, allowing for flexibility and customization of terms through negotiation. While an invitation to offer lacks the specificity of a formal offer, it serves as a catalyst for productive dialogue and eventual agreement between parties.
Quantitative Techniques
Logical Reasoning
India’s journey towards sustainable energy sources remains incomplete as biodiesel, an environmentally friendly fuel, struggles to find its footing. Although touted as one of the most promising renewable sources, its adoption rate in the country has been rather lackluster.
Why is this clean alternative not yet mainstream in one of the world’s largest energy markets? One primary reason is the disparity between production and demand. India’s biodiesel production capacity stands at around 4 million tonnes, but only 1-1.5 million tonnes are actually produced. This gap arises from inconsistent supply of feedstock like used cooking oil and non-edible oilseeds.
Furthermore, pricing poses another hurdle. Since biodiesel is not yet completely tax-free, its cost is sometimes comparable to or even higher than conventional diesel. This dampens enthusiasm for largescale commercial adoption. Also, without aggressive governmental subsidies or incentives, its potential remains under-utilized.
Infrastructure is an additional concern. The absence of a widespread distribution network and inadequate blending facilities stymie biodiesel’s growth. Without the necessary infrastructure, reaching consumers directly is a challenge.
On the brighter side, certain states, recognizing biodiesel’s potential benefits to the environment and economy, have started promoting its usage. Telangana, for example, has encouraged the establishment of biodiesel pumps, leading the charge in bringing this green fuel closer to the masses.
International trends, too, favor biodiesel. Several nations are transitioning away from fossil fuels, reducing their carbon footprints by embracing biodiesel. As environmental concerns become more pronounced globally, this could be a positive push for India to accelerate its biodiesel adoption. For biodiesel to truly succeed in India, cohesive efforts between the government, industry stakeholders, and consumers are essential. Policymakers should address the challenges impeding its growth, ensuring that this renewable fuel not only remains a topic of discussion but becomes a mainstay in India’s energy landscape.
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